TL;DR

Sharing a room was common for most of American history, then very nearly disappeared, and is now returning. Homes owned by someone 65 or older are the part that is growing: they hold a quarter of all home sharing arrangements today, up from an eighth at the low point, and they account for most of the increase since. This piece traces the practice decade by decade, in every state, from 1880 to today.

We publish this because the three questions underneath it matter: why people shared their rooms, why the practice faded, and why it is coming back. The answers bear directly on what is about to be asked of American housing.

A note on how to read the rooms. An empty bedroom in an older adult's home is not a room being withheld. Moving is expensive, and for most older homeowners there is nowhere smaller to move to that costs less than staying. The rooms are an opportunity precisely because the people who hold them intend to stay, and sharing one is the only option on this list that does not ask them to leave.

People in a home sharing arrangementper 100 owner-occupied homes, 1880 to today

Counting both sides: the homeowner providing the room, and each person from outside the family living in one.

In a home owned by someone under 65 Range where the census could not separate partners from roommates In a home owned by someone 65 or older Figures on the dark segments are that segment's share of the bar

Why this chart matters

The rooms are already there

35 million spare bedrooms sit inside homes owned by older adults. No land, no permit, no construction dollar.

The population is the largest ever

More older adults than at any point in the country's history, in homes they mean to stay in.

Their need is growing fastest

Older adults who rent are the fastest-growing group experiencing homelessness in America.

And the housing built to help cannot

In 100 percent of areas the income floor for a two-bedroom rent-restricted home sits above the ceiling.

Home sharing is growing because of older adults

Counted as people, because a room is measured by who is living in it, and because home sharing has two sides.

Share of the arrangements

Where the growth is

The room still to grow into

Which sample these figures come from, and why it matters if you are holding an older number. Every modern figure on this page comes from the 2020-2024 five-year American Community Survey sample, which is the only basis on which all 51 states can be set beside one another. Single-year samples run higher and are noisier. Oregon on the 2024 one-year sample reads 18,526 homes and 4.58 percent, against the 15,079 homes and 3.88 percent behind the figures above. Both are correct measurements of slightly different things. The five-year figure is the one HomeShare Oregon now quotes, so a reader holding the older number is not looking at a fall of 19 percent. Nothing fell.

The idea is oldthe method is not

For most of the century above, sharing a home meant advertising a room and trusting your read of whoever answered. The choice was governed by convenience: who turned up, who could pay, who seemed all right. Compatibility was something you found out afterwards. Two things have changed since, and between them they explain why the line is turning back up.

The economics came back first

In 1900 an older homeowner who ran short had two things in front of them: the house and what was inside it, or the county poorhouse. There was no federal housing program of any kind, and none would exist until 1937. The almshouse was the institution that took in the aged poor, and by the turn of the century it was mostly older people who lived there. It was widely feared and it was nobody's plan. Letting a room was how a household stayed out of it.

Everything built since was built to put something better between those two options: public housing in 1937, housing for older adults specifically in 1959, Medicare and Medicaid in 1965, the tax credit that funds most Affordable Housing today in 1986.

For a great many older adults it has not gone far enough. Affordable Housing and income-restricted housing are scarce, and the income rules that govern them place a two-bedroom out of reach in every area in the country. Downsizing assumes something smaller and cheaper to move into, which in most markets does not exist. A care community costs more than the house does. The average Social Security retirement benefit is roughly $2,071 a month, against mortgages, taxes, utilities and groceries that have not held still.

Which leaves the same asset that was there in 1900. For an older homeowner today, the spare room is often the most proven path to economic stability available to them, exactly as it was for the household that let a room to stay out of the poorhouse. The institutions in between were built, and for a great many people they are still out of reach. That is what the right-hand end of the chart is.

And the risks became easier to manage

Worry usually leads the conversation, and it tends to arrive as "moving in with a stranger". That is not what this is. A stranger is someone you know nothing about. HomeShare Online introduces two people who have not met but who the platform has reason to believe fit each other on values, preferences and habits. It is a different proposition from moving in with a friend, where you already like the person and find out later whether you can live with them.

The process averages three months and is entirely self-directed: no case manager, no matchmaker. By the time anyone moves in, they are not strangers. The risks do not vanish, but each one has something standing against it.

Identity verified

Every member is checked through a third-party provider whose whole business is keeping bad actors off platforms.

Six layers of screening

Checkr's caregiver-grade background check: criminal records, sex offender registry, abuse and neglect registries, identity and Social Security trace, address history and global watchlist.

Contact-free introductions

Messaging and video inside the platform, with identifying details private until both people choose otherwise.

Agreements, written down

A library of home sharing agreements, safety practices and conversation guides, built with subject matter experts.

It never decides for you

The platform surfaces what you need to judge a match and leaves the judgment where it belongs.

Home sharing was never a programit was the obvious answer to an affordability problem

Nobody set up home sharing in 1900. There was no agency, no waiting list and no eligibility test. A household that needed money and had a spare room let it out. Roughly one household in ten did exactly that. It was not a social service and it was not a last resort. It was arithmetic, ordinary enough that James Beard grew up in a Portland house full of boarders without anyone thinking it remarkable.

What ended it was not a loss of appetite. It was that the country built other answers: steady retirement income, federally funded hospitals and nursing homes, mortgage programs that put a private house within reach, and zoning in many cities that restricted boarding houses outright. Average household size fell from about 5.5 people in 1850 to roughly 2.6 today. Sharing stopped being the obvious answer and became the thing you did if you had no better option.

The affordability problem it solved has not gone away. It has moved.

One of those changes is still in force

Zoning is the part of that list that did not lapse. Many cities wrote rules restricting boarding houses, and a great many of those rules are still on the books, written in terms of how many unrelated people may live together or how many bedrooms may be let separately. A homeowner sharing a room today can meet a definition drafted for a rooming house a century ago, and whether they do depends on the city, the zoning district, and whether they live in the home themselves.

That question is a piece of research in its own right and is not settled here. It is jurisdiction by jurisdiction, it turns on definitions rather than principles, and there is no national list. What matters for this page is narrower: the rooms counted in the chart above are rooms already being shared, so they are not hypothetical. What the legal picture governs is how much further the line can go.

Rooms in use, and rooms standing emptyin homes owned by older adults

A home sharing arrangement is a homeowner 65 or older providing a room and each person from outside the family living in one. The first column puts that on a common footing across states; the next two give the raw counts. Click a column to re-sort. Click a row to pin it, and it stays in view when the list is collapsed.

StatePeople sharing per 100
older-owner homes
People in a
sharing arrangement
Homes
they are in
Spare bedrooms in
older adults' homes

The spare-bedroom count comes from The Rooms Already Exist, a different survey year, and is here for scale rather than to be divided into the column beside it.

Citations, Definitions & SourcesOpen the fine printClose the fine printEvery figure on this page traces to a published source. The full citations, definitions, and source tables are available by clicking Open the Fine Print.

Definitions

A home sharing arrangement. Counted as people, not homes: the householder providing the room, plus every person from outside the family living in one. Both sides are counted because home sharing is an arrangement between two parties and both gain from it. A house with a homeowner and two boarders is three people and one home. Other members of the householder's family are not counted; they live in a shared home but are not party to the arrangement. This is a stand-in for rooms rather than a literal count of them, since two people sharing one room are counted as two.

Why not count bedrooms directly. The census did not ask how many bedrooms a home has until 1960, checked against the IPUMS API rather than assumed. A bedroom-level series cannot reach the era this piece is about. The spare-bedroom column in the table is a true bedroom count, from 2023, and is the one figure here on a different basis.

Older adult. A householder aged 65 or older, matching the rest of the site.

Homeowner. Owner-occupied, with or without a mortgage. The survey records the householder, not the name on the deed.

Method

1880 and 1950 recorded no home ownership at all, so there is no bar for either. The gap is left open rather than bridged.

Three censuses, 1960, 1970 and 1980, used a single code covering both an unmarried partner and a roommate. Bars for those decades are drawn as a range: solid to the lowest the figure can be, hatched to the highest. Every other decade told the two apart, so the range closes and the bar is a single value. The hatching marks exactly, and only, where the record stops being like-for-like. It lands almost entirely on the lighter part of the bar, because living with an unmarried partner was overwhelmingly something younger households did.

Paying status is deliberately not part of this measure. The Census merged "roomer or boarder" into its broader roommate category after 2018, so a series counting only paying boarders could not reach the present. That narrow series is computed and published in the dataset, where it runs 1880 to 2010-2014 for all households and 1900 to 2010-2014 for owner-occupied homes, 1880 having recorded no home ownership, and it is not drawn here: a line that stops two-thirds of the way along invites the reader to see a collapse where what actually happened is that the national statistical system stopped counting the category separately.

Live-in employees are excluded before 2005 and cannot be excluded after. The historical census files carry codes of their own for them; the modern American Community Survey does not, so they sit inside "other nonrelative" and are counted. The number is small but it is not zero, and the two halves of the series are therefore not exactly alike across the 2005 seam.

Which sample, and why the modern figures are the five-year ones. Every figure from 2005 onward uses a non-overlapping five-year American Community Survey sample, so that all 51 states rest on enough observations to be set beside one another. One-year samples read higher and move more from year to year, and in the smallest states several years have no sampled household at all. Oregon on the 2024 one-year sample is 18,526 homes and 4.58 percent, against 15,079 homes and 3.88 percent on the 2020-2024 five-year sample used here. The five-year figure is the one HomeShare Oregon quotes. Earlier material carrying the one-year figure is not wrong, it is a different sample.

No margins of error before 2017. The public-use files carry replicate weights only from 2017, so earlier periods have an estimate and a sample size and nothing else.

Sources

1880 to 2000. IPUMS USA, decennial census. Steven Ruggles et al., IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota. The largest sample published for each decade, except 1880, which uses the 10 percent sample rather than the 100 percent database: that file's relationship detail was never transcribed at depth and it understates boarding roughly fourfold.

2005 to 2024. American Community Survey via IPUMS USA, using the non-overlapping 5-year samples 2005-2009, 2010-2014, 2015-2019 and 2020-2024. There is no 2020 one-year release.

Spare bedrooms. From The Rooms Already Exist, ACS 2023 1-year.

The 1900 comparison. The almshouse, also called the poorhouse or county home, was the institutional destination for the aged poor through the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, and by then its residents were predominantly older people; the Social Security Act of 1935 is what began emptying them. Federal housing assistance begins with the Housing Act of 1937. Housing built specifically for low-income older adults begins with Section 202 in the Housing Act of 1959. The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, which finances most Affordable Housing built today, was created by the Tax Reform Act of 1986.

What the platform does. The screening, introduction and agreement practices listed above, the average Social Security retirement benefit of roughly $2,071 a month, and the three-month average time to a match are as published on Share Your Home. Rent is paid directly to the home provider and does not pass through the platform.

Companion work. The historical section follows sourcing already published in What Your Grandparents Already Knew; no new historical claim on this page is independently cited. The homelessness finding is as published in The Rooms Already Exist and Before the Move. The two-bedroom income finding is from Between the Ceiling and the Floor, HomeShare America, September 2026. The zoning question named above is scoped as separate research and is not answered anywhere yet.

Verification. The national series reproduces the Census Bureau's Roomers and Boarders: 1880-2005 (Scopilliti and O'Connell, 2008) across every decade, and the modern half matches published ACS table B25007 on every state tested.

Cite This Paper

HomeShare Oregon. (2026). A Tradition Remembered: How Sharing a Room Has Helped Homeowners Stay in Their Homes, 1880 to Today. https://homeshareoregon.org/research/tradition-remembered/

About HomeShare Oregon

HomeShare Oregon publishes this paper as students of aging, housing, and community infrastructure. We operate one of many possible interventions in the missing middle. We believe the most useful contribution we can make to the larger field is to add a frame and a research agenda, rather than to argue for our particular role within it.

If you are working on related questions, we would like to hear from you. Email the executive director at executivedirector@homeshareoregon.org.